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ARCHIVE 7/24/00 TO 7/29/00:

PAGE CONTENTS ( Click on topics to go to articles): 

Click. THE DICK CHENEY DEEP DATA DUMP!

Click. RENO AND THE FBI PLAY THE "CHILD CARD" TO GAIN PUBLIC TRUST AS THEY STRIP AWAY CIVIL RIGHTS WITH CARNIVORE AND ECHELON.

Click. NOTES FROM THE WATERFRONT.  CIA AND ORGANIZED CRIME FRONTS DURING THE IRAN-CONTRA ERA AND CONTINUING....

Click.  The Covert War Against Rock and Roll. 

Click. THE NEBRASKA CONNECTION -- AN EXPLOSIVE IMBROGLIO SHARED BY DICK CHENEY AND THE BUSH FAMILY

Click. The San Francisco Mafia.

RENO AND THE FBI PLAY THE "CHILD CARD" TO GAIN PUBLIC TRUST AS THEY STRIP AWAY CIVIL RIGHTS WITH CARNIVORE AND ECHELON.

by Kathryn Joanne Dixon (Reprint folks!)

RENO AND THE FBI KNOW WHERE MOST OF THE KIDDIE PORN IS LOCATED.  IT'S  ENCRYPTED ON USENET, i.e. ON NEWSGROUPS -- YET THEY  WON'T PROSECUTE EVEN ONE USENET CASE!

The FBI and Janet Reno, head of the Department of Justice (DOJ), justify their use of CARNIVORE and ECHELON by stating that these draconian data-gathering devices, which violate privacy and the 4^th Amendment guarantee against illegal search and seizure, will be used to prosecute child molesters and child pornographers.  In fact, Reno and the FBI are protecting known child molesters and pornographers by failing to prosecute them.

In Europe, when child pornographers are arrested, their caches of pornography are analyzed to attempt to identify children depicted in the pornography.  Pictures of the faces of the child victims are made public, so that people can attempt to identify them.  In America, the faces of children found in caches of pornography are never made public by the FBI so that people can attempt to identify these victims.  Why?  Who is the FBI protecting and why?

THE NEBRASKA CONNECTION--AN EXPLOSIVE IMBROGLIO SHARED BY DICK CHENEY AND THE BUSH FAMILY. by Linda Minor © 2000

What is the Nebraska connection to George W. Bush's selection of Dick Cheney as his running mate?  It's intriguing that Cheney was born in Lincoln, Nebraska in 1941, then went to Yale for a time, and now he sits on the board of directors of Union Pacific (UP) Railroad, which is based in Omaha. Keep in mind that since the turn of the last century the UP Railroad was controlled by the Harriman family, the employers of George Bush's maternal grandfather and his father.

It was George Herbert Walker who left St. Louis, where he had his own investment bank--G.H. Walker & Co., involved in the financing of railroads and the companies owned by those railroads--to relocate to set up Averell and Bunny Harriman's investment bank. The two Yalie friends of Walker's (actually Skull and Bones friends) were the sons of E.H. Harriman, the old railroad tycoon. To assist the Harriman family in running the Union Pacific, they had a lawyer from Texas name Robert Scott Lovett, who for years ran the railroad. Robert S. Lovett's son was Robert A. Lovett, a partner at Brown Brothers Harriman, who was actually married to the daughter of one of one of the "Brown Brothers.

Who, really, operates "Brown Brothers"? Although it has not yet been proven that Brown & Root was connected to the Brown Brothers firm, it is known that the founders of that industrial construction company, George and Herman Brown, who were born in Belton, Texas, were sons of a traveling banker in central Texas, who with his brother in Austin were engaged in making loans under the name of

Brown Brothers bank in Austin prior to 1900. According to birth records, George and Herman's father came to Texas from Baltimore, Md. which was also the location of the original bank called Brown Brothers. If the connection exists, then it may be no accident Cheney was selected for the boards he sits on, as Union Pacific and Halliburton each have a block of shareholders connected to the Bush family.

The following are relevant excerpts from John DeCamp's book, The Franklin Cover-up," p. 146:

"Donations to Franklin through the Union Pacific Foundation made the Union Pacific Railroad one of Larry King's biggest corporate backers. Union Pacific Chairman John Kenefick, deposited funds at Franklin."

According to reports out of Omaha's homosexual community, the old Harriman family railroad overlaps other areas with King. 'The company is well-known for two things at the top: homosexuality and freemasonry,' said one knowledgeable person.

"Is there a tradition or obligation of homosexuality among top Union Pacific executives?

"The Legislature's Franklin committee heard testimony from a former Franklin employee, implicating two Union Pacific executives in the recruitment of 'young kids for Larry King's friends.' Robert Andresen, the pedophile whose brutality was so heavy-handed that even the Douglas County jury mentioned (but did not indict) him, worked for Union Pacific.

"So did the foreman of the grand jury! The Douglas County panel was headed by citizen Michael Flanagan, an employee of Union Pacific Railroad for 27 years. Given that Union Pacific personnel were implicated in the matters under consideration, there would have been a conflict of interest for any UP employee sitting on the grand jury. In the case of Flanagan, there was more to it than that.

"In the summer of 1990, while the Douglas County grand jury was sitting, I received a call from a person who identified himself as an executive at Union Pacific headquarters in Omaha. He declined to give his name, saying, 'I am too old to start over. I have too much vested in a good salary, position and pension. But I do not feel I can sit idly by.' ...

My caller's carefully chosen words quickly dispelled the notion that he meant insignificant incidents, and led me to ask, 'Are you talking about the head of Union Pacific, Mr. Walsh?" While the information he provided satisfied me that my concern about Walsh might well be valid, the caller made it clear that this was not the immediate point of his contacting me.

"What he had to say, was that the foreman of the grand jury had committed impropriety of such a nature and degree, that Union Pacific had to reach a private financial settlement to protect him.

"'I believe if you will check out a former very young male Union Pacific employee named Pike,' said my caller, "you will discover that Mr. Flanagan made improper sexual advances upon him, and he complained to Union Pacific officials. A financial settlement was reached by Union Pacific and the young male individual was paid a substantial sum of money by Union Pacific to keep quiet, go about his business, and find other employment."

DeCamp's investigation proved the information to be accurate, and he used it in his court pleadings, stating that Union Pacific was directing the grand jury in the Larry King case.

Franklin Credit Union's financial and corporate ties

According to John DeCamp, FirsTier Bank "was the bank Larry King's pilfered $40 million passed through, without anybody batting an eye." In 1987-88, at the time of the Franklin Credit Union scandal was revealed, there were two men serving on the board of FirsTier Financial, Inc. who were also directors of a company called Valmont Industries--Robert H. Daugherty and William F. Welsh II.

Note below that Thomas F. Madison is also on the board of US West Communications --a board on which Cheney sits. Also interesting is the fact that Lloyd P. Johnson serves on the board of Cargill and Norwest. Charles M. Harper is on the ConAgra board, as is Walter Scott, Jr., who also serves on the board of Berkshire Hathaway and Burlington Resources. A recent makeup of Valmont's board is shown below. [Click. Note 1]

Burlington Resources is a company affiliated with the Burlington Railroad, formerly the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe in St. Louis. The Bush and Walker families have been closely connected to this company. Walter Scott, Jr. was on the FirsTier board in 1987 and has been on Valmont since 198, as well as on Burlington Resources and other boards. [Click. Note 2] He currently is on the board of Mid American Energy, sitting alongside a man with a fascinating resume, named Sir Neville G. Trotter, JP., DL., FCA, FRAeS, 67. [Click. Note 3]

Another thing that stands out is the obvious connection between the FirsTier Financial and Peter Kiewit Sons, Inc. The latter company controls the Kiewit Royalty Trust, which was created under a Trust Indenture dated May 17, 1982 by Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc., a Delaware corporation to provide "an efficient, orderly and practical means for the administration of income received from certain royalty and overriding royalty interests in certain coal leases." The Trust has no active plan of business operation and was set up to distribute income to holders of Units. (The trustee of the Trust is First Bank, National Association ("Trustee"), Omaha, Nebraska, which is a wholly owned subsidiary of First Bank System, Inc., a registered bank holding company. First Bank, National Association is a successor to FirsTier Bank N.A. Omaha, as a result of the merger of FirsTier Financial Inc., the parent holding company of the former trustee, with and into First Bank System, Inc.

FirsTier was also closely tied to California Energy and Magma Power Co. (a Nevada corporation). In a 1995 proxy statement for MAGMA POWER COMPANY, 4365 Executive Drive, Suite 900, San Diego, California 92121 a meeting to be held in Omaha, Nebraska, was announced by chairman David Sokol at which Magma stockholders would consider and vote upon a proposal to approve the Agreement and Plan of Merger, dated as of December 5, among Magma, California Energy Company, Inc. ("CECI") and CE Acquisition Company, Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of CECI ("CE Sub"), pursuant to which CE Sub will be merged with and into Magma (the "Merger"). The statement also contained the following information: Kiewit Energy Company ("Kiewit Energy"), a wholly owned subsidiary of Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc. ("PKS"), is an approximate 43% stockholder (on a fully diluted basis) in CECI.

PKS, a Delaware corporation, is a large employee-owned company which had approximately $2.2 billion in revenues in 1993 from its interests in construction, mining, energy and telecommunications. PKS is one of the largest construction companies in North America and has been in the construction business since 1884. PKS is a joint venture participant in a number of CECI's international private power projects.

The principal executive offices of CECI and CE Sub are located at 10831 Old Mill Road, Omaha, Nebraska 68154 and their telephone number is (402)330-8900. CE Sub is a wholly owned subsidiary of CECI and has not conducted any business except in connection with the Offer. CECI and CE Sub were incorporated in 1971 and 1994, respectively, under the laws of the State of Delaware. The principal executive offices of PKS are located at 1000 Kiewit Plaza, Omaha, Nebraska 68131, and its telephone number is (402) 342-2052. PKS was incorporated in 1941 under the laws of the State of Delaware. The board of directors of Magma are as follows, and the detailed descriptions of their background are set out in the footnote below. [Click. Note 4] The directors include: David L. Sokol 38 Chief Executive Officer, Chairman of the Board of Directors, Director Thomas R. Mason 50 President and Chief Operating Officer Steven A. McArthur 36 Senior Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary Donald M. O'Shei, Sr. 60 Senior Vice President, Asia Division John G. Sylvia 35 Senior Vice President, Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer Gregory E. Abel 32 Vice President, Chief Accounting Officer and Controller Edward F. Bazemore 57 Vice President, Human Resources David W. Cox 38 Vice President, Legislative and Regulatory Affairs Vincent B. Fesmire 53 Vice President, Development and Implementation David P. Maystrick 43 Vice President, Construction Dale R. Schuster 42 Vice President, Administration Edgar D. Aronson 59 Director Judith E. Ayres 49 Director James Q. Crowe 44 Director Richard K. Davidson 52 Director Ben Holt 80 Director Richard R. Jaros 42 Director Everett B. Laybourne 82 Director Herbert L. Oakes, Jr. 47 Director Walter Scott, Jr. 62 Director Barton W. Shackelford 73 Director David E. Wit 32 Director.

Notes:

NOTE 1:

Nominees For Election - Terms Expire 1999: 

Mogens C. Bay, Age 47, President and Chief Executive Officer of the Company since August 1993 and Director of the Company since October 1993. From November 1990 to August 1993 served as President and Chief Operating Officer of the Irrigation Division of the Company. Served as Director of Company continuously since October 1993. Valmont Stock: 201,932 shares.
John E. Jones, Age 61, Retired Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of CBI Industries, Inc. since January 1996. Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of CBI Industries, Inc. from June 1989 to January 1996. Director, Allied Products Corporation, Amsted Industries Incorporated, Interlake Corporation and NICOR Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since April 1993 Valmont Stock: 5,000 shares.
Walter Scott, Jr., Age 64, Chairman of the Board, President and Director of Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc.; Director, Berkshire Hathaway, Inc., Burlington Resources, Inc., California Energy Company, ConAgra, Inc., C-TEC Corporation, FirsTier Financial, Inc. and MFS Communications Co., Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since April 1981. Valmont Stock: 26,000 shares.

Continuing Directors - Terms Expire 1998: 

Charles M. Harper, Age 68, Chairman of the Board and Director of RJR Nabisco Holdings Corp. since May 1993; Chief Executive Officer May 1993 to December 1995. Chairman of the Board and Director of Nabisco Holdings Corp. since January 1995. Chairman of the Board of ConAgra, Inc. 1981 - May 1993, and Chief Executive Officer of ConAgra 1976 - September 1992; Director, ConAgra, Inc., E.I. DuPont de Nemours & Co., Inc., Norwest Corporation and Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since April 1979. Valmont Stock: 38,000 shares.
Lloyd P. Johnson, Age 65, Retired Chairman of Norwest Corporation since May 1995. Chairman of Norwest Corporation from January 1989 to May 1995 and Chief Executive Officer of Norwest Corporation from January 1989 to January 1993. Director, Norwest Corporation, Cargill, Incorporated, Musicland Stores Corporation; Trustee, Minnesota Mutual Life Insurance Company; Member, Advisory Board of Directors, Minnegasco. Served as Director of Company continuously since June 1991. Valmont Stock: 6,000 shares.
Thomas F. Madison, Age 60, President, MLM Partners since January 1993;Vice Chairman and Office of CEO of Minnesota Mutual Life Insurance Company February 1994 - August 1994; President - Markets, U S WEST Communications June 1987 - December 1992; Director, Alexander & Alexander Insurance Advisory Board, Communications Holdings, Inc., Eltrax Systems, Inc., LHS Health Systems, Minnegasco Advisory Board and Span Link. Served as Director of Company continuously since June 1987. Valmont Stock: 12,000 shares.

Continuing Directors - Terms Expire 1997: 

Robert B. Daugherty, Age 74, Chairman of the Board and Director of the Company; Director, KN Energy, Inc. and Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since March 1947. Valmont Stock: 3,550,784 shares.
Allen F. Jacobson, Age 69, Retired Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of 3M Company; Director, 3M Company, Abbott Laboratories, Deluxe Corporation, Mobil Corporation, Northern States Power Company, Potlatch Corporation, Prudential Insurance Company of America, Sara Lee Corporation, Silicon Graphics, Inc. and U S WEST Inc. Served as Director of Company continuously since July 1976. Valmont Stock: 16,000 shares.
Robert G. Wallace, Age 69, Retired Executive Vice President and Director of Phillips Petroleum Co.; Director, CBI Industries, Inc. and A. Schulman, Inc.

NOTE 2:

In 1996 the slate of directors of Burlington Resources to be voted on included the following nominees: (Each of the following nominees is a Director of the Company at the present time): 
JOHN V. BRYNE --Retired. Age--67. Chairman--Audit Committee. Dr. Byrne has been retired since January 1996. From November 1984 to December 1995, Dr. Byrne was President of Oregon State University. Dr. Byrne has been a Director of the Company since 1988. 
S. PARKER GILBERT--Retired. Age--62. Member-- Compensation and Nominating Committee. Mr. Gilbert has been retired since January 1991. Mr. Gilbert has been a Director of the Company since 1990. Mr. Gilbert is also a director of ITT Industries, Inc., Morgan Stanley Group Inc., and Taubman Centers, Inc. Morgan Stanley & Co. Incorporated, a subsidiary of Morgan Stanley Group Inc., acts as a commercial paper dealer for, and provides investment banking and financial advisory services to, the Company and its subsidiaries. 
JAMES F. MCDONALD--President and Chief Executive Officer, Scientific-Atlanta, Inc., Norcross, Georgia-- Telecommunications. Age--55. Member--Audit Committee. Since July 1993, Mr. McDonald's principal occupation has been as shown above. From July 1991 until July 1993, Mr. McDonald was a partner with J.H. Whitney & Co. From January 1991 until July 1991, Mr. McDonald was Vice Chairman of the Board of Prime Computer, Inc. Mr. McDonald has been a Director of the Company since 1988. Mr. McDonald is also a director of Scientific-Atlanta, Inc. 
THOMAS H. O'LEARY --Chairman of the Board, Burlington Resources Inc., Houston, Texas. Age--61. Since December 1995, Mr. O'Leary's principal occupation has been as shown above. From February 1993 to December 1995, Mr. O'Leary was Chairman of the Board, President and Chief Executive Officer of Burlington Resources Inc. From July 1992 to February 1993, Mr. O'Leary was Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer of Burlington Resources Inc. From October 1990 until July 1992, Mr. O'Leary was Chairman of the Board, President and Chief Executive Officer of Burlington Resources Inc. Mr. O'Leary has been a Director of the Company since 1988. Mr. O'Leary is also a director of B.F. Goodrich and The Kroger Company. DONALD M. ROBERTS--Retired. Age--60. Member--Audit Committee. Mr. Roberts has been retired since September 1995. From February 1990 until September 1995, Mr. Roberts was Vice Chairman and Treasurer, United States Trust Company of New York and its parent, U.S. Trust Corporation. Mr. Roberts has been a Director of the Company since 1993. Mr. Roberts is also a director of York International Corporation. WALTER SCOTT, JR.--Chairman and President, Peter Kiewit Sons', Inc., Omaha, Nebraska -- Construction, Mining and Telecommunications. Age--64. Chairman--Compensation and Nominating Committee. For more than five years Mr. Scott's principal occupation has been as shown above. Mr. Scott has been a Director of the Company since 1988. Mr. Scott is also a director of Berkshire Hathaway Inc., California Energy Company, Inc., C-TEC Corporation, ConAgra, Inc., FirsTier Financial, Inc., MFS Communications Company, Inc. and << Valmont Industries, Inc. BOBBY S. SHACKOULS--President and Chief Executive Officer, Burlington Resources Inc., Houston, Texas. Age--45. Since December 1995, Mr. Shackouls' principal occupation has been as shown above. Since October 1994, Mr. Shackouls has been President and Chief Executive Officer of Meridian Oil Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of the Company. From June 1993 to October 1994, Mr. Shackouls was Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer of Meridian Oil Inc. From July 1991 to May 1993, Mr. Shackouls was President and Chief Operating Officer of Torch Energy Advisors, Inc. From September 1988 to July 1991, Mr. Shackouls was Executive Vice President of Torch Energy Advisors, Inc. Mr. Shackouls has been a Director of the Company since 1995. WILLIAM E. WALL--Of Counsel, Siderius Lonergan, Seattle, Washington--Law. Age--67. Member--Compensation and Nominating Committee. For more than five years, Mr. Wall's principal occupation has been as shown above. Mr. Wall has been a Director of the Company since 1992.

NOTE 3:

Sir Neville G. Trotter was appointed a director in May 1997. In June 1997 he was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of the County of Tyne and Wear to assist the Lord Lieutenant as a representative of Queen Elizabeth. He was an elected Member of Parliament from 1974 to 1997 serving as a Member to the Trade & Industry Select Committee, Defense Select Committee and the Transport Select Committee. Prior to becoming a Member of Parliament, Mr. Trotter was a Chartered Accountant and Senior Partner with Grant Thornton and a member of the firm's National Executive Team. Mr. Trotter continued to practice as an active Consultant with Grant Thornton after his election to Parliament. He currently serves as Non-Executive Director or Advisor with several British corporations and trade associations. He is Vice President to the British Marine Council and a Member of the Council of the North East Chamber of Commerce Trade and Industry based in Newcastle upon Tyne.

NOTE 4:

David L. Sokol, 38, Chairman of the Board of Directors and Chief Executive Officer. Mr. Sokol has served as Chief Executive Officer of CECI since April 19, 1993 and as Chairman of the Board of Directors since May 5, 1994, has been a director of CECI since March 1991 and served as President from April 1993 until January 1995. Formerly, Mr. Sokol was Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of CECI from February 1991 until January 1992. Mr. Sokol has served as Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of the Purchaser since its formation on September 22, 1994. Mr. Sokol was the President and Chief Operating Officer of, and a director of, JWP, Inc., from January 27, 1992 to October 1, 1992. From November 1990 until February 1991, Mr. Sokol was the President and Chief Executive Officer of Kiewit Energy Company, the largest stockholder of CECI and a wholly owned subsidiary of PKS. From 1983 to November 1990, Mr. Sokol was the President and Chief Executive Officer of Ogden Projects, Inc.

Thomas R. Mason, 50, President and Chief Operating Officer, Mr. Mason joined CECI in March 1991. From October 1989 to March 1991, Mr. Mason was Vice President and General Manager of Kiewit Energy Company. From 1991 to 1993 he was Senior Vice President, Mr. Mason acted as a consultant in the energy field from June 1988 to October 1989. Prior to that, Mr. Mason was Director of Marketing for Energy Factors, Inc., a non-utility developer of power facilities.

Steven A. McArthur, 36, Senior Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary. Mr. McArthur joined CECI in February 1991. Mr. McArthur has served as a director, Senior Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary of the Purchaser since its formation on September 22, 1994. From 1988 to 1991 he was an attorney in the Corporate Finance Group at Shearman & Sterling in San Francisco. From 1984 to 1988 he was an attorney in the Corporate Finance Group at Winthrop, Stimson, Putnam & Roberts in New York.

Donald M. O'Shei, Sr., 60, Senior Vice President, Asia Division and President, CE International, Ltd. General O'Shei was in charge of engineering and operations for CECI from October 1988 until October 1991. He rejoined CECI as a Vice President in August 1992. Previously he was President and Chief Executive Officer of AWD Technologies, Inc., a hazardous waste remediation firm, and President and General Manager of its predecessor company, Atkinson-Woodward Clyde. He was a brigadier general in the U.S. Army prior to joining the Guy F. Atkinson Co. in 1982 as Director of Corporate Planning and Development.

John G. Sylvia, 35, Senior Vice President, Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer. Mr. Sylvia joined CECI in 1988. Mr. Sylvia has served as a director, Senior Vice President, Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer of the Purchaser since its formation on September 22, 1994. From 1985 to 1988, Mr. Sylvia was a Vice President in the San Francisco office of the Royal Bank of Canada, with responsibility for corporate and capital markets banking. From 1986 to 1990, Mr. Sylvia served as an Adjunct Professor of Applied Economics at the University of San Francisco. From 1982 to 1985, Mr. Sylvia was a Vice President with Bank of America.

Gregory E. Abel, 32, Vice President, Chief Accounting Officer and Controller. Mr. Abel joined CECI in 1992. Mr. Abel is a Chartered Accountant and from 1984 to 1992 he was employed by Price Waterhouse. As a Manager in the San Francisco office of Price Waterhouse, he was responsible for clients in the energy industry.

Edward F. Bazemore, 57, Vice President, Human Resources. Mr. Bazemore joined CECI in July 1991. From 1989 to 1991, he was Vice President, Human Resources, at Ogden Projects, Inc. in New Jersey. Prior to that, Mr. Bazemore was Director of Human Resources for Ricoh Corporation, also in New Jersey. Previously, he was Director of Industrial Relations for Scripto, Inc. in Atlanta, Georgia.

David W. Cox, 38, Vice President, Legislative and Regulatory Affairs. Mr. Cox joined CECI in 1990. From 1987 to 1990 Mr. Cox was a Vice President with Bank of America N.T. & S.A. in the Consumer Technology and Finance Group. From 1984 to 1987, Mr. Cox held a variety of management positions at First Interstate Bank.

Vincent B. Fesmire, 53, Vice President, Development and Implementation. Mr. Fesmire joined CECI in October 1993. Prior to joining CECI, Mr. Fesmire was employed for 19 years with Stone & Webster, an engineering firm, serving in various management level capacities with an expertise in geothermal design engineering.

David P. Maystrick, 43, Vice President, Construction. Mr. Maystrick joined CECI in April 1994. From 1978 to 1994, Mr. Maystrick was employed as Senior Project Manager with HDR Engineering, Inc. and was responsible for implementing and monitoring several full service contracts to design, to construct, and to operate electric and steam generating facilities. From 1974 to 1977, Mr. Maystrick was a design engineer of fossil fuel and nuclear power plants at Gibbs & Hill, Inc.

Dale R. Schuster, 42, Vice President, Administration. Mr. Schuster joined CECI in July 1994. From 1991 until joining CECI, he was Senior Vice President and General Manager of AutoInfo, Inc., a software development and information systems company, and prior to that, Vice President and General Manager of ValCom, Inc.

Edgar D. Aronson, 59. Mr. Aronson has been a director of CECI since April 1983. Mr. Aronson founded EDACO Inc., a private venture capital company, in 1981, and has been President of EDACO since that time. Prior to that, Mr. Aronson was Chairman of Dillon, Read International from 1979 to 1981 and a General Partner in charge of the International Department at Salomon Brothers Inc from 1973 to 1979.

Judith E. Ayres, 49. Ms. Ayres has been a director of CECI since July 1990. Since 1989 Ms. Ayres has been Principal of The Environmental Group, an environmental consulting firm in San Francisco, California. From 1988 to 1989, Ms. Ayres was a Vice President/Principal of William D. Ruckelshaus Associates, an environmental consulting firm. From 1983 to 1988 Ms. Ayres was the Regional Administrator of Region 9 (Arizona, California, Hawaii, Nevada and the Western Pacific Islands) of the United States Environmental Protection Agency.

James Q. Crowe, 44. Mr. Crowe has been a director of CECI since March 1991. Mr. Crowe is Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of MFS Communications Company, Inc., a publicly traded company in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest. Prior to assuming his current position in 1991, Mr. Crowe was President of Kiewit Industrial Company, a subsidiary of PKS. Before joining Kiewit Industrial Company in 1986, Mr. Crowe was Group Vice President, Power Group at Morrison-Knudsen Corporation. Mr. Crowe is a director of C-TEC Corporation, a publicly traded company in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest.

Richard K. Davidson, 52. Mr. Davidson was appointed a director of CECI in March 1993. Mr. Davidson has been Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Union Pacific Railroad since 1991. From 1989 to 1991 he was Executive Vice President-- Operations of Union Pacific Railroad, and from 1986 to 1989 he was Vice President--Operations of Union Pacific Railroad. Mr. Davidson is also a director of << FirsTier Financial, Inc., Chicago & Northwestern Holdings Corporation and Missouri Pacific Railroad Company.

Ben Holt, 80. Mr. Holt has been a director of CECI since September 1993. Mr. Holt is the founder, and was Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, of The Ben Holt Co., an engineering firm located in Pasadena, California, which CECI acquired in September 1993. Mr. Holt retired as Chairman and CEO of The Ben Holt Co. in December 1993 and is currently a consultant to CECI. Mr. Holt is a beneficial owner of 3,763 Shares, representing less than 1% of the outstanding Shares.

Richard R. Jaros, 42. Mr. Jaros has been a director of CECI since March 1991. Mr. Jaros served as Chairman of the Board from April 19, 1993 to May 5, 1994 and served as President and Chief Operating Officer of CECI from January 8, 1992 to April 19, 1993. From 1990 until January 8, 1992, Mr. Jaros served as a Vice President of PKS and is currently an Executive Vice President and a director of PKS. Mr. Jaros serves as a director of MFS Communications Company, Inc. and C-TEC Corporation, both of which are publicly traded companies in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest. From 1986 to 1990, Mr. Jaros served as a Vice President for Mergers and Acquisitions for Kiewit Holdings, a subsidiary of PKS.

Everett B. Laybourne, 82. Mr. Laybourne has been a director of CECI since May 1988. For many years he served as counsel for a number of major publicly-held corporations. He also presently serves as a Vice President and Trustee of The Ralph M. Parsons Foundation and as National Board Chairman of WAIF, Inc. From 1969 to 1988, Mr. Laybourne was senior partner in the law firm of MacDonald, Halsted & Laybourne in Los Angeles, California, whose successor firm was Baker & McKenzie to which he acted for five years in an of counsel capacity. He continues in the practice of law in Los Angeles.

Herbert L. Oakes, Jr., 47. Mr. Oakes has been a director of CECI since October 1987. In 1982, Mr. Oakes founded and became President of H.L. Oakes & Co., Inc., a corporate advisor and dealer in securities. From 1988 to the present, Mr. Oakes has served as a Managing Director of Oakes, Fitzwilliams, Co., Limited, a member of the Securities and Futures Authority Limited and The London Stock Exchange. Mr. Oakes is a director of Shared Technologies, Inc., Harcor Energy Inc. and New World Power Corporation.

Walter Scott, Jr., 62. Mr. Scott has been a director of CECI since June 1991. Mr. Scott was the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of CECI from January 8, 1992 until April 19, 1993. Mr. Scott is Chairman and President of PKS, a position he has held since 1979. Mr. Scott is a director of Berkshire Hathaway, Inc., Burlington Resources, Inc., ConAgra, Inc., FirsTier Financial, Inc., and Valmont Industries, Inc. Mr. Scott also serves as a director of MFS Communications Company, Inc. and C-TEC Corporation, both publicly traded companies in which PKS holds a majority ownership interest.

Barton W. Shackelford, 73. Mr. Shackelford has been a director of CECI since June 1986. Mr. Shackelford served as President and a director of Pacific Gas & Electric Company from 1979 until his retirement in 1985. He is a director of Harding Associates, Inc. David E. Wit, 32. Mr. Wit has been a director of CECI since April 1987. He is co-founder and Co-Chief Executive Officer of Logicat, Inc., a software development/publishing firm. Prior to working at Logicat, Inc. Mr. Wit worked at E.M. Warburg, Pincus & Company, where he analyzed seed-stage financing and technology investments.

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THE DICK CHENEY DEEP DATA DUMP

Do you ever wonder why Saddam is still making weapons of mass destruction?  Ever wonder why 500,000 American men and women fought and suffered in the Gulf War and most came home sick? Ever wonder why the killers of JFK are walkin' free, proud and rich?  Ever wonder why you can't get Justice in American courts, and why your property is being ripped off by behind-the-scenes players?  Have the patience to follow the leads!  They could lead to your home town or your home or your family or even to you! 

Contents: 

Click. CHENEY'S HALLIBURTON (ROOT & BROWN) THING LEADS DIRECTLY TO THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION.  

Click. THE BUSH FAMILY'S THING WITH HALLIBURTON, ROOT & BROWN AND PERMINDEX (AND CHENEY).

Click. The Deep Politics of the Bush Family Political Empire by Linda Minor 

Click. CHENEY'S CHINA THING.

Click. CHENEY'S MORGAN STANLEY GROUP THING.

Click. CHENEY'S IMMUNOGENETICS, INC. (IGI) THING.

Click.  CHENEY'S U.S. WEST, INC. THING.

Click. CHENEY'S SIBERIAN OIL THING.

Click. CHENEY'S BURMA THING.

Click. CHENEY'S CASPIAN OIL THING.

Click. CHENEY'S THING ABOUT GREENHOUSE GAS EMISSIONS! 

Click. CHENEY'S VIETNAM DEFERMENT THING.

Click. CHENEY'S THING ABOUT GETTING APPROVAL FOR HALIBURTON TO OPERATE IN SADDAM'S IRAQ.

Click. CHENEY'S THING ABOUT EXCLUDING ISRAELI REPRESENTATIVES FROM AN ARAB CHARITY EVENT.

CHENEY'S HALLIBURTON (ROOT & BROWN) THING LEADS DIRECTLY TO THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION.  

After serving as Secretary of Defense for President Bush, Cheney reaped the financial rewards of the revolving money door between the military and industry. Cheney became a member of the board of directors of Morgan Stanley.  the Union Pacific Corp., Procter & Gamble Co. and Electronic Data Systems Corp. But, most important, in 1995 Cheney became the CEO of Halliburton (owner of Brown and Root) (Click.)  Cheney, the chairman of the board, holds a $45.5 million stake as Halliburton's biggest individual stockholder. Brown and Root reaped multi-millions from the Bosnia war. (Click.)

In 1998 Richard Cheney got the idea that Halliburton should purchase Dresser Industries, for $8.1 billion (creating the world's largest oil-drilling services company) while on a quail hunt with Dresser chair Bill Bradford.  Dresser and Halliburton merged.  Dresser Industries was owned and operated by Brown Brothers Harriman. Prescott Bush (George H.W.'s father) was a partner of Brown Brothers and on the board of Dresser for decades until he became a U.S. Senator.

CHENEY'S FIRM HALLIBURTON AND BROWN & ROOT FINANCED, (IN PART) PERMINDEX, THE CORPORATE FRONT, WHICH OPERATED THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY.

PERMINDEX was a corporate front, headed by Major Louis M. Bloomfield of Canada.  Clay Shaw operated a division of PERMINDEX in New Orleans at the International Trade Mart. The connections between Clay Shaw, David Ferrie and Lee Harvey Oswald have, at this time, been proven by documentary and photographic evidence, despite myriad attempts to discredit the Garrison investigation.

Halliburton was one of the financiers of PERMINDEX. George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root were also financiers. Halliburton acquired Brown and Root after 1963.  In the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal (Click to read the entire document), William Torbitt, states:

The principal financiers of Permindex were a number of U. S. oil companies, H. L. Hunt of Dallas, Clint Murchison of Dallas, John DeMenil, Solidarist director of Houston, John Connally as executor of the Sid Richardson estate, Haliburton Oil Co., Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, Troy Post of Dallas, Lloyd Cobb of New Orleans, Dr. Oschner of New Orleans, George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root, Houston, Attorney Roy M. Cohn, Chairman of the Board for Lionel Corporation, New York City, Schenley Industries of New York City, Walter Dohrnberger, ex-Nazi General and his company, Bell Aerospace, Pan American World Airways, its subsidiary, Intercontinental Hotel Corporation, Paul Raigorodsky of Dallas through his company, Claiborne Oil of New Orleans, Credit Suisse of Canada, Heineken's Brewery of Canada and a host of other munition makers and NASA contractors directed by the Defense Industrial Security Command.

PERMINDEX was the operator of death squads in Europe, Mexico, Central American, the Caribbean and the United States.  The persons and corporations who worked with PERMINDEX took over the government of the United States of America on November 22, 1963.  The perpetrators have never been brought to justice, and now Halliburton, a Permindex backer, thus and financer of the ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY, has one of its own, Dick Cheney,  trying to be the Vice President of the United States.

Picture of the motorcade at Dealy Plaza.  When a President's head is blown off in the streets, and the Department of Justice, FBI, military intelligence and the government can't solve the case, Justice is dead in the streets of America. The assassination team and their progeny and selected puppets control America.   (For more information about the assassination teams, PERMINDEX and the fascist behind them, see "The Nazi Connections to the Assassination of John F. Kennedy" by Mae Brussell. Click.)

THE BUSH FAMILY LINKS TO HALLIBURTON, ROOT & BROWN AND PERMINDEX.

Researchers of the JFK assassination have tried since 1963 to determine if George H.W. Bush had any intelligence role in November 1993.  Efforts to conclusively prove that George H. W. Bush was a CIA agent at that time have been futile. Efforts to conclusively prove that he was directly involved with the Cuban exiles have also been futile. This is so, despite the close proximity of the Zapata oil platform to Cuba and the naming of boats for the Bay of Pigs invasion, notably the "Barbara."  However, the financial and corporate structures which have financed George H.W. Bush and now his son, can be conclusively proven by documents.  

The following article by Linda Minor is an analysis of these financial and corporate roots of the Bush family political and financial fortune.  Note how these roots lead to the Harrimans, British Intelligence (right-wing variety) and to Halliburton and Brown and Root, thus to PERMINDEX. 

THE DEEP POLITICS OF THE BUSH FAMILY POLITICAL EMPIRE.
by Linda Minor © 2000

Who were the clients of Brown Brothers Harriman when Prescott Bush and his wife's father, George H. Walker, worked for them?  It was these investors who funded George H.W. Walker's campaigns.  His biggest contributors were his uncle Herbie Walker, formerly of St. Louis, and Eugene Meyer, whose father spent his entire career working for a competing investment bank--Lazard Freres--or Lazard Brothers, as it was called in London.

The Bush family ties to the Lairds and Lords of Scotland and England.

Lazard Brothers was controlled by officials in the British government.  It was always the investment bank of David Rockefeller.  And, besides Meyer and Walker, George Bush's other large investor in Bush-Overbey was British Assets Trust, Ltd., an investment company whose directors interlocked with the management of companies associated with Lord Kindersley, such as Hudson's Bay Company.  The chairman of British Assets Trust in 1956 was J.G.S. Gammell in Edinburgh, Scotland, and in 1985 by J.C.R. Inglis, a partner in Shepherd & Wedderburn, WS, an Edinburgh law firm.  Inglis was also a director of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group, Scottish Provident Institution for Mutual Life Assurance, Edinburgh American Assets Trust and Atlantic
Assets Trust, as well as chairman of European Assets, N.V.,  Gammell also had served as director of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group, as did such other notables as The Right Hon. Lord Balfour of Burleigh, The Right Hon. Lord Clydesmuir and The Right Hon. Lord Polwarth.  Polwarth, incidentally, began serving as a director of the Halliburton Company, parent of Brown & Root, in 1974.

The Bush family continued to amass its fortune an power from the British and Scottish sources named above, as these sources introduced their financial tentacles into Texas, and as George H.W. Bush and Barbara drove that old red Studebaker into Houston.  Has anything changed?  Do the same people run the selection of Dick Cheney as Vice President today?  Will their scion, that old Skull & Bonesman, George W. be annointed?  

The PERMINDEX connection to the Bush power moves.

Paravicini Bank and Permindex

In the same year that Zapata and Pennzoil were moving toward hostile takeovers, a new Swiss bank opened in Houston with J. Hugh Liedtke and   George Bush's securities adviser, W.S. Farish III, among the directors.   Called "Bank for Investment and Credit Berne" (BICB), its stock was owned by  Capital National Bank and Paravicini Bank, but investors included Seagrams,   Boeing, Minute Maid in Zurich, the London subsidiary of Brown and Root and   the Schlesinger Organization of London and Johannesburg.  These investors   are more than interesting in light of the fact that Paravicini is a   descendant of the Venetian Pallavicini family, whose attorney in Rome,
Carlo   d'Amelio, was the general counsel to Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC),
the  Italian arm of Permindex.  CMC was incorporated in Berne Switzerland, and D'  Amelio sat on the board of directors during the time that Seagrams'   attorney, Louis Mortimer Bloomfield of Montreal, was chairman of  Permindex.

When the role of CMC in the attempted assassination of President DeGaulle of  France was discovered, it fled Europe and re-emerged in Johannesburg,  South Africa.  However, the parent company, Permindex, continued to be managed from Montreal by Bloomfield.  Clay Shaw, the man prosecuted in New  Orleans   by Jim Garrison for his role in the Kennedy assassination, was also a  board member of CMC, with which his International Trade Mart had connections.

According to a 1970 report called "The Torbitt Document," (Click to read the entire document), William Torbitt, states: "...a compilation of information gathered by a Texas attorney from "court-approved and  documented evidence" from sources in the U.S. Customs Department and the Narcotics Bureau, from the Warren Commission and the Garrison investigations, Bloomfield's Permindex Corp. supervised five subsidiary groups: 

(1) "White Russian" organization called the Solidarists--members Ferenc Nagy of Dallas (former Hungarian premier) and Jean De Menil of Houston (head of   Schlumberger); (Click to read about Schlumberger, David Atlee Philips, Clay Shaw and the CIA.)

(2)  American Council of Churches--H.L. Hunt organization;

(3)  Free Cuba Committee--Carlos Prio Soccaras (Cuban ex-president);

(4)  "The Syndicate"--Clifford Jones and Bobby Baker working with Joe  Bonanno Mafia family; 

(5) NASA's Security Division--Werner Von Braun, headquarters in Redstone Arsenal in Muscle Shoals, Alabama and on East Broad Street in Columbus, Ohio.
 
The Kennedy assassination was planned and carried out by Division Five of   the FBI, which acted in conjunction with the Defense Intelligence Agency   under the control of the Joint Chiefs.  These divisions had a highly secret   police agency called the Defense Industrial Security Command, which also  worked with NASA, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), USIA and weapons and  ammunition supply corporations (munitions makers) which contract with  those   agencies.  The police force originated in the 1930's to work for the Tennessee Valley Authority, then expanded to the AEC, tying it in with army intelligence.  Agents of this force included Clay Shaw, Guy Bannister, David Ferrie, Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby and others, and was headed up by Bloomfield.  

According to the Torbitt report:  

The principal financiers of Permindex were a number of U.S. oil companies,   H.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, John De Menil, Solidarist director of Houston,  John Connally, as executor of Sid Richardson estate, Haliburton [sic] Oil Co., Sen. Robert Kerr of Okla., Troy Post of Dallas, Lloyd Cobb of New   Orleans, Dr. Oechner of New Orleans, George and Herman Brown of Brown & Root, Attorney Roy M. Cohn, Chairman of the Board for Lionel Corp., New York City, Schenley Industries of New York City, Walter Dornberger, ex-Nazi  general and his company, Bell Aerospace, Pan American World Airways and its   subsidiary, Intercontinental Hotel Corp., Paul Raigorodsky of
Claiborne Oil of New Orleans, Credit Suisse of Canada, and Heineken's Brewery of
Canada  and a host of other munitions makers and NASA contractors directed by
the Defense Industrial Security Command. 

PERMINDEX AND SEAGRAMS USED THE SAME INVESTORS THE BUSH FAMILY USED. 

Roy Cohn was a very close friend of Lewis Rosenstiel, who was in turn a   friend of Sam Bronfman.  Bloomfield was also president of Heineken of  Canada.  What these companies seem to have in common is their  shareholders,  directors and financiers.  They are the same persons who invested in  Bush-Overbey, Zapata and Dresser Industries through the investment trusts  they controlled. The 1992 edition of Dope, Inc. (a LaRouche publication) has this to say about the banks involved:

Both Seagram's (and its old Prohibition rum-running partner, Hudson's Bay)   are interlocked through a maze of contacts with all five of the big Canadian chartered banks:  the Bank of Montreal, the Royal Bank of Canada, the  Bank  of Nova Scotia, the Toronto Dominion Bank, and  the Canadian Imperial Bank  of Commerce.  Thus, the dirty money gleaned from the drug trade is conduited   through these banks to points further south:  The banks' offshore centers in  the Caribbean, and from there the money makes its whirlpool round of  worldwide laundering.
 
The chairman of this Houston-based international investment bank, BICB,  whose investors included Seagrams and the Schlesinger mining interests in   South Africa, was Johan F. (Fred) Paravicini.   Vice-chairman was L.F.   McCollum, Sr.-a long-time Humble Oil employee, who headed Conoco and  founded Capital National Bank of Houston in 1965.  The bank's president was Baker  Lovett, cousin of James A. Baker III, and grandson of the first president of Rice University, Odell Lovett, a friend of Woodrow Wilson at Princeton.

In an interview with the Houston Post, Baker stated that his experience of 15   years in banking indicated that Houston had a relatively short supply of  money, and that venture capital had to come from New England-from "more  mature economies."  He believed a bank "should dedicate a portion of its resources to relatively risky situations because it's those which  sometimes  really pay off." As the 1980s showed, however, it was also that type of   investment that resulted in the bailout of the savings and loan industry. 

In addition to its investment in the BICB set up by Conoco's chairman, Seagrams also owned a great deal of stock in Conoco and caused a major eruption with DuPont in 1981 over who would control the company.  Seagrams   was interested in Conoco because it owned a 53% interest in Hudson's Bay Oil  and Gas Co. in Canada.  Since it had recently received $2.3 billion cash profit from the sale of Sunoco stock, with which it had tried and failed to purchase control of DuPont's St. Joe Minerals, the Scottish-financed  liquor  barons at Seagrams saw another chance to grab something prized by the New Englanders-control of Conoco.

In 1969 W.S. Farish III was 31 years old and was a partner in the  investment   companies of Underwood Neuhaus and W.S. Farish & Co., through which he   handled millions of dollars of his family's wealth in addition to George   Bush's blind trust.  Farish was also serving as president of a company  called Fluorex, an international mineral and exploration company, and in  1973 also became a director of Houston Natural Gas.   He was the only  grandson of one of the founders of Humble Oil, W.S. Farish, Sr., who had   been chairman of Standard Oil of New Jersey prior to World War II. W.A.   Harriman & Co. helped Jersey Standard finance a merger with I.G. Farben,
the  German chemical corporation which manufactured the gas used to  exterminate
so many Jews. 

Lehman Brothers, which had an office in Capital National Bank's building at 1300 Main-on the same floor, incidentally, as George Bush's friend (and  later, Commerce Secretary, Robert Mosbacher), was represented on the  board  of the Capital National and its international investment branch.  One director was Lehman Brothers partner, John B. Carter, Jr., and another  was director I.H. "Denny" Kempner III, heir to the Imperial Sugar fortune,  whose brother was a Lehman representative in Houston.

The Kempner brothers' mother was Mary Carroll Kempner, a granddaughter of
W.T. Carter and sister of W.T. Carter, Jr., whose wife was Lillie  Neuhaus,  making them first cousins of Victor J. Carter.   Lillie was a niece of  C.L.   Neuhaus and W. Oscar Neuhaus, the founders of Neuhaus & Co. (later  Underwood   Neuhaus).  Oscar's son, Hugo, married Kate Rice, Libbie Farish's cousin,  and after W.S. and Libbie's son died in 1943, their daughter-in-law, Mary  Wood   Farish, married Kate Neuhaus' son.  The Oscar Neuhaus who became trustee for  the wealthy Cullen family and secretary of a joint venture between  Dresser and Cullen interests, was a key member of the Neuhaus/Farish banking   interests-which thus had control of Cullen/Dresser real estate matters in downtown Houston.  This relationship resulted in the construction of a
complex of office buildings in the southwest part of downtown leased to Dresser, Cullen/Frost Bank, Enron, Oppenheimer & Co. and assorted other interesting companies. The Carter family also were investment bankers in  Houston.

Still another director of Capital Bank was Bill Barziza, a descendant of   Decimus et Ultimus Barziza, founder of Houston Land & Trust, which has since merged into First International Bank.  This ancestor was the son of a  Venetian count and French-Canadian mother, born in Williamsburg, Virginia,  who, during the Civil War, had been captured at Gettysburg and smuggled  through the Confederate underground to Canada where he was returned to Houston via the blockade route through Bermuda.
The decision to form a partnership with Paravicini may have also been influenced by another Lehman representative-William Mellon Hitchcock--grandson of William Larimer Mellon, founder of Gulf Oil, and   nephew of banker Andrew Mellon.  Bush's partners in Zapata were the sons  of   William Liedtke, Sr.-one of the "highest ranking lawyers in Gulf Oil  Corp."

Billy Mellon Hitchcock worked from 1961 to 1967 for "his father's mentor,"   Bobby Lehman of Lehman Brothers in Manhattan.   Fred Paravicini began an illegal trading relationship with Billy in 1965, for which they were not   indicted until 1973-Hitchcock in February and Paravicini in June.  Hitchcock pled guilty in April.   He then appears to have disappeared from sight.

What Hitchcock shows us is a classic fondi member, educated at Harvard,   trained at Lazard Brothers during Lord Cowdray's tenure, who while vacationing in Venice, is recruited to work for CIA-connected investment  bank with connections to the Bronfman family by a member of his father's  polo team!  How did he manage to get caught?  These people never get  caught.

But what was never followed up on was how Hitchcock and Paravicini were connected to Conoco, Seagrams, Standard Oil, Brown & Root and the  Schlesinger mines in Johannesburg.  These connections lead straight to  Permindex, the Bronfmans and to the Dallas oil men funding the JFK  assassination.  They also lead to George Bush through W.S.  Farish-investor   of his blind trust.

The Pearson Group and Texas oil men.

Although it has never been proven that Farish, Liedtke or George Bush had any background in intelligence operations before Bush was appointed  director of the CIA by Gerald Ford in 1976, an inference can be made just by reviewing the associations that existed in the Texas oil community in the 1960s. Billy's training as an investment banker had taken place at the English branch of Lazard Freres, which has been shown to be closely tied to  one of George Bush's original investors, Eugene Meyer, and to Everett DeGolyer, a Dresser director who had spent most of his career working for  Sir Weetman Pearson (Viscount Cowdray). DeGolyer left his job at Amerada  Petroleum in New York and moved to Dallas where he established a  geological consulting firm called DeGolyer and MacNaughton and served from 1954  until his death in 1956 on the board of Dresser Industries in Dallas.  He was  replaced on the board by his partner, Lewis W. MacNaughton, who remained until 1969. Lewis MacNaughton was also a director of Empire Trust, a company whose  largest single holding of stock was comprised of Loeb-Lehman, Bache and Bronfman holdings, in which Edgar Bronfman became a director in 1963. 

Edgar  Bronfman, Sr. married the daughter of John L. Loeb (Loeb, Rhoades), who  was himself married to a Lehman.   A vice-president of Empire Trust in Dallas  was Jack Crichton (also president of Nafco Oil & Gas, Inc.) who was  connected with Army Reserve Intelligence.    In a 1995 book written by  Fabian Escalante, the chief of a Cuban counterintelligence unit during  the  late 1950s and early 1960s, he describes that as soon as intelligence was  received from agents in Cuba that Fidel Castro had "converted to  communism,"  a plan called "Operation 40" was put into effect by the National Security  Council, presided over by Vice-President Richard Nixon.  Escalante
 indicates that Nixon was the Cuban "case officer" who had assembled an important group of  businessmen headed by George Bush and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to  gather the necessary funds for the operation.  Nixon was a protégé of Bush's father Preston [sic] who in 1946 had supported Nixon's bid for Congress. In fact, Preston Bush was the campaign strategist that brought Eisenhower  and Nixon to the presidency of the United States.  With such patrons, [Tracy] Barnes was certain that failure was impossible.  

According to Peter Dale Scott, Crichton arranged for Marina Oswald to have Ilya Mamantov as her interpreter when she was questioned after Oswald's  arrest.  Mamantov also taught scientific Russian classes at Magnolia Oil   Co. Lee and Marina Oswald first met the Paines at a party at the home of   Richard Pierce and Everett Glover where practically all the guests worked for Magnolia Oil. The guests included a German named Volkmar Schmidt who came to Dallas in 1961 to do geological research at Magnolia's  laboratories  in nearby Duncanville.

MacNaughton's personal accountant was George Bouhe, who also worked at  the
Tolstoy Foundation with Paul Raigorodsky-a man involved with the National Alliance of Solidarists.  Bouhe was closely tied to George DeMohrenschildt, who later became famous as the White Russian assigned to "handle" Lee  Harvey Oswald in Dallas. It was DeMohrenschildt who had taken the Oswalds to a   party where they met Volkmar Schmidt, and then a later party at the same house where they met Michael Paine.  DeMohrenschildt was also the one in  charge of getting Marina a place to stay at Ruth Paine's home, and it was Ruth Paine who found Oswald the job at the book depository office in the  building owned by Jack Crichton's friend.  

DeMohrenschildt also was involved with the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia in Dallas which received  subsidies from the Baird Foundation, which was determined to be a CIA  conduit by the Patman House Select Committee hearings [cf. New York
Times,  March 5, 1967, p. 36].

 DeMohrenschildt immigrated to the U.S. in 1938, having been involved in  espionage with the OSS and probably with the Nazis.   He had a doctorate  in  commerce from the University of Liege, Belgium, when he came to the  United  States at age 27 where his brother Dmitry was a professor at Dartmouth,  having degrees from Columbia and Yale.   While visiting his brother and  American sister-in-law at Bellport, near East Hampton, on the eastern,  ocean  tip of Long Island, DeMohrenschildt met many influential people,  including  stockbroker Jack and Janet Bouvier (Jackie's parents).  He was also a  friend of Margaret Clark Williams, whose family had vast land holdings in   Louisiana, who gave him a letter of introduction to Humble Oil.

 DeMohrenschildt came to Texas by bus "where he got a job with Humble Oil Company in Houston, thanks to family connections," and, "[d]espite being friends with the chairman of the board of Humble," he worked as a  roughneck in the Louisiana oil fields.  DeMohrenschildt came to Texas in 1944 and got a master's degree in petroleum geology at the University of Texas at Austin.  For a time he worked overseas
for the Murchisons' Three States Oil and Gas  and for Pantipec, an oil  company owned by William F. Buckley, Jr.'s father operated in Mexico at  the same time Sir Weetman Pearson (later Viscount Cowdray) and DeGolyer were  there running the Mexican Eagle.  In fact, Buckley and his brother were the  attorneys for the Mexican oil companies after their properties were taxed  illegally by the Mexican government.   According to William Engdahl, Pearson  worked for British Secret Intelligence, "as did all other major British oil  groups."  They had financed and put in power the regime of General Victoriano Huerta, subsequently overthrown by President Woodrow Wilson,  who  was supporting the objectives of Standard Oil in attempting to take from  Britain at least a portion of its concessions for half of Mexico's oil.

The U.S. under Rockefeller cover sent money and arms to Carranza.

 
Notes (The Deep Politics of the Bush Family Political Empire by Linda Minor © 2000):

Pete Brewton, The Mafia, the CIA and George Bush,  p. 137. Brewton's information came from two articles in the Houston Post-dated April 25, 1969 and January 11, 1970.  The earlier article, naming the corporate  investors in the new bank, had no by-line.

Dope, Inc. (1992), p. 459.
Dope , Inc., p. 256. The Royal Bank of Canada is said by the EIR  writers of Dope, Inc. to be the dirtiest bank, followed closely by the Bank of  Nova  Scotia, of which Bronfman aide and Zionist, R.D. Wolfe, is a director.  This  bank is also involved in the financing of business in Jamaica tied to the  arms trade, as well as being tied to the Canadian gold markets through an interlock with Noranda Mines.  The gold exchange also serves as a means of   payment for the illegal weapons trade. 

The Paracinis.

The Paravicinis are the descendants, most likely, of Sir Horatio  Pallavacino, who filled the post of Venetian ambassador to England -- which had been vacant for 50 years or so -- in 1603 when James VI of Scotland became  James I of Great Britain.  Pallavicino was the head of an intelligence  service which "was at the disposal of Cecil, as, presumably, was his money." See David Cherry, The Found of Englands Civil Warres Discover'd, as cited in   Al and Rachel Douglas's manuscript on Venice.     The "more mature economies" he referred to in New England were those  which   began with the first life insurance company established in America in 1762  by the Presbyterian Ministers Fund.  The managers brought in to oversee this fund were members of British banking families such as the Bevans of  Barclays Bank-which was later to assimilate most of the country and colonial banks into its London bank.  Through these family and social contacts, connections  arose between the Canadian banks, Scottish banks, the Far East, South  Africa, the Caribbean and New England.  These same families also had strong ties to the Carolinas which was originally settled by a great number of Scottish emigrants who retained strong ties to the mother country.   Another chapter will detail fondi control of this and other companies  founded by John Henry Kirby-railroads, lumber, oil and banking interests financed by Brown Brothers of Baltimore and the Maryland Trust.  This representative was James Carroll Kempner .  See Harold M.Hyman, Oleander Odyssey, p. 217.  It had been the tradition in the Kempner  family   for the sons to attend Harvard, then spend a year in Paris before
coming  back to Texas to help with the family business.   Mary later married Lawrence Reed.  Mary's aunt was Frankie Carter  Randolph, who became the famous liberal Democrat who mentored Billie Carr in  liberal Texas politics. Julius V. Neuhaus (Lillie Neuhaus Carter's brother) married Laura  Boettcher, whose family brokerage company also came into the company in 1985  when Larry Johnson and Tom Masterson came into the company. 

The Mischer connections to George H. W. Bush.

Connections can   be shown between Larry Johnson, General Homes and Walter Mischer - a close   friend and fund-raiser for George Bush-through an assortment of
complicated   corporate relationships. He was the founder of Houston Land & Trust Company, the first trust  institution in the State of Texas. Marie Phelps McAshan, On the Corner of Main and Texas:  A Houston Legacy (Houston:  Gulf Publishing Co.,
1985),  p. 130; Marguerite Johnston, Houston, the Unknown City, 1836-1946 (College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 1991), pp. 75 and 404fn.  The name   "Barziza" is similar in sound to "Barozzi," which was the name of one of the case vecchie that existed in Venice [Allen and Rachel Douglas, manuscript   entitled "Venice: The Fondi.and related matters", p. 12]

Thomas Petzinger, Jr., Oil & Honor:  The Texaco-Pennzoil Wars (G. P. Putnam's Sons:  New York), p. 36.  Incidentally, Allen Dulles, before  becoming director of the CIA, had been legal counsel to Gulf Oil for  Latin   American operations, as well as counsel to Prescott Bush at Brown  Brothers   Harriman.  Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography (EIR:  Washington, D.C., 1992), pp. 148-49). John  McCloy also represented Gulf in 1975 when the scandal involving bribery and payoffs of elected officials occurred.  Billy's father, Tommy Hitchcock, a Harvard graduate, had become a Lehman Brothers partner in 1937 but within two years became an air attaché in the U.S. Embassy and then a pilot in Carl Spaatz' Ninth Air Support Command, where he was chief of tactical research.  His plane went down in 1944,  when his twin sons, Billy and Tommy were only five.  He had learned to fly  during  the First World War when he had served in the Lafayette Escadrille as a seventeen-year-old and had been caught behind German lines, escaped from a prison train and hobbled a hundred miles into Switzerland. The
Hitchcocks  were "gentry, a clan whose way of living 'depicted the English country
life,'" in Aiken, South Carolina, where Billy spent his visits fox hunting and playing polo. According to Billy, his grandfather had gone to Oxford,  and his great-grandfather had been financial editor of the New York Sun,  married to a descendant of William Corcoran, an "eminent Georgetown financier."  Billy and his brother attended boarding school in South  Carolina, a place run like an English public school.  In the mid-50s
he got  a job as a tool dresser on oil rigs in Pecos, Texas (which is a short distance from Midland where George Bush was living and working for a  Dresser subsidiary), then at a refinery near Vienna, Austria.  Billy had been at  Harvard before Harvard professor Timothy Leary took his first LSD trip in 1960, but he met Leary in 1964 after Leary had returned from Mexico where he  had been doing psychedelic research with Aldous Huxley.  In fact, Billy rented his family country estate in New York to Leary to continue his drug  experiments 

New York Times, June 8, 1973. Darwin Payne, Initiative in Energy:  Dresser Industries, Inc.1880-1978 (New York:  Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 232 and 388.  DeGolyer's death  was reported in a December 15, 1956 Houston Post article, which stated that   he "shot himself to death Friday in his Dallas office. His death was ruled  a  suicide. No immediate reason for DeGolyer's act could be determined.  However, DeGolyer's son, E.L. DeGolyer, Jr. said his father had been in ill health for seven years and for the last two years suffered from aplastic  anemia, a disease similar to leukemia.  He said his father required  frequent  blood transfusions, having had the most recent one about four weeks ago.

DeGolyer had other difficulties, his son said, including an operation for  a detached retina in 1949, which was not successful and left him without  the  sight of one eye."  None of those facts answers the question of why, at  that  particular time, he chose to kill himself.  He had endured all those trials for years and survived optimistically.  In the year before DeGolyer died,  two men began buying land in the area of town which is now the location of   the Galleria Shopping Center.  One was the son of Grover J. Geiselman, an  independent oil man who officed at Suite 849 of the Houston Club
Building,  where both Farish and Bush were located during this time.  Eventually
Geiselman conveyed his half interest to the other buyer, J.S. Michael,  who in 1961 deeded to the estate of E.L. DeGolyer for a nominal sum,  indicating  they may have been holding title for him all along.  Further indication of   this is the deed in 1969 to Stephen T. Cochran, Trustee, executed by both  Geiselman, Jr. and J.S. Michael, as well as Nell DeGolyer and First National  Bank in Dallas, Trustees for the estate, as well as the three daughters and their husbands.  All were joint payees on one promissory note.  This land ended up having frontage on either side of the West Loop, which was constructed through the tracts, which were purchased for a pittance
from  Italians who had owned the land for decades.

 DeGolyer's death is reminiscent of  the death of Howard R. Hughes, Sr.,   which was reported in a Houston Post January 15, 1949 "Post Yesteryears  15 Years Ago" column.  The article stated:  "Howard R. Hughes, 54,  millionaire Houston manufacturer, and a brother of Rupert Hughes, the novelist, died  suddenly in his office at the Humble building yesterday.  Born in  Lancaster,  Mo., Mr. Hughes graduated from Harvard university in 1897..As a young  Harvard graduate, Mr. Hughes entered the oil industry in the Old Sour Lake  field and almost immediately began inventing oil well tools.  Oil men
said  that he, more than any other man in America, was responsible for  revolutionizing the oil industry.  In association with W.B. Sharp of  Houston, the Sharp-Hughes Tool company was launched by Mr. Hughes, and on  Mr. Sharp's retirement, the concern became the Hughes Tool company which is  known wherever drillers operate."

Stephen Birmingham, "Our Crowd":  The Great Jewish Families of New York (New York:  Dell Publishing Co., 1967), pp. 444-445. 

Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much (New York:  Carroll & Graf Publishers/Richard Gallen, 1992), p. 615 and pp. 792-93 fn. 14.

Crichton  was also director of Dorchester Gas Producing Co. with D.H. Byrd,
founder of the Temco Co. (later LTV), who owned the building to which the Texas
School  Book Depository had moved several months before Kennedy was killed. Fabian Escalante, translated by Maxine Shaw, edited by Mirta Muniz, 

TheSecret War:  CIA Covert Operations against Cuba 1959-62 (Melbourne,   Victoria, Australia:  Ocean Press, 1995), p. 42. 

See Peter Dale Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, chapter III, p. 37 (quoted in   Bartholomew, p. 71).   

In Germany Schmidt had lived with Dr. Wilhelm Kuetemeyer, a professor of  psychosomatic medicine at the University of Heidelberg.  Kuetemeyer   conducted experiments on schizophrenics.  His work was interrupted when  he  became involved in the July 20 plot to kill Adolph Hitler.  See Edward  J.   Epstein, Legend:  The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (New York:  McGraw-Hill, 1978), pp. 203-05.  Schmidt shared a room in the house with  the Magnolia employees who gave the party at Schmidt's request where Oswald met  Michael Paine.  Schmidt was also studying Russian at Magnolia with  Mamantov,   who worked as a geologist for Sun Oil Co.  Mamantov was acquainted also with   George Bush, who wrote to Mamantov's  wife after his death stating, "We  did   it!"  

See Dick Russell, The Man who Knew Too Much.

See Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 66.

Marrs, Crossfire, p. 278-9.  

Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation (New  York:  Thunder Mouth Press, 1993), p.190.

Priscilla Johnson McMillan, Marina and Lee (Harper & Row, 1976), p.  216.
Ibid., p. 219.   Ibid.  The quoted passage does not identify which of the Humble Oil
founders was DeMohrenschildt's friend, but it is known that his UT roommate,   Hines Baker did later become chairman of Humble Oil.  McMillan revealed  that
DeMohrenschildt was also friendly with H. L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, John   Mecom, Robert Kerr and Jean De Menil of Schlumberger.  According to Jim Marrs' interviews with Jeanne DeMohrenschildt after her husband's death, George was making regular trips to Houston from Dallas during 1962-63 on oil  business with Mecom and De Menil.  George's Russian friends in the Tolstoy  Foundation told Marrs that he was going to Houston to see George and Herman Brown (Crossfire, p. 282.)

Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-up,  p. 34 

Buckley Sr., a Texan, as an undergraduate lived in the same upper class  dorm
at the University of Texas at Austin where DeMohrenschildt, brothers Rex  G.  Baker and Hines Baker (who W.S. Farish, Sr. later hired as attorneys and  top  management for Humble Oil) lived when they were at UT.  See Richard  Bartholomew, Possible Discovery of an Automobile Used in the JFK  Conspiracy  (the Nash Rambler) --unpublished manuscript, pp. 63, 88-89.    Engdahl, p. 72.   

The End.

CHENEY'S CHINA THING.

Cheney, chairman of Halliburton oil and former director of Morgan Stanley works hard for the money in China. Although Cheney is not an elected or appointed official, Cheney engaged in meetings with the People's Republic of China (PRC) to back down the Philippine government when it challenged Chinese military activity at Spratly Island.  China operates a warship and submarine base in the Spratly Islands, which threatens the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan's trade thoroughfares.  Who gave Cheney the authority to enter into de facto negotiations with the PRC regarding its military installation affecting US security and US allies? 

John B. Judis, New Republic, 3/10/97 (Click ) reported: 

One such incident involving former Defense Secretary Cheney stirred the wrath of some of his fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill. In February 1995, the Chinese Navy entered the waters around the disputed Spratly Islands and erected structures on Mischief Reef, which is also claimed by the Philippines. Philippine President Fidel Ramos ordered the Philippine Navy to the area, and the Philippine ambassador complained to Washington.

In March, Cheney, who had joined the board of directors of Morgan Stanley, visited China with representatives from the bank and secured meetings with high-ranking Chinese officials, including Defense Minister Chi Haotian. In Beijing on March 10, after three days of meetings, Cheney told Xinhua News Agency, "I do not really perceive any threat from China to the world or to the region." After leaving China, Cheney attended a business meeting in Singapore, where he made further public statements suggesting that he believed the Philippines had no cause for concern. According to Reuters, Cheney said he did not think China had embarked upon a "hostile course" in the area. Afterwards, one Republican China expert on Capitol Hill told me, "Cheney's statement [on Mischief Reef] was very mischievous. Saying China is not a threat sent a message to Southeast Asian countries who were backing the Philippines that major parts of the U.S. establishment weren't going along." In the months after Cheney's visit, the People's Construction Bank of China, a joint venture between the government and Morgan Stanley, announced a major expansion of its services.

Cheney's negotiations in China had a direct impact on a strategic military installation.  The Pentagon Bush Cabal signaled that China's activities at Spratly were approved at the top level.  Meanwhile, Congress was investigating agents of the PRC and American traitors who stole classified information.  "The PRC has stolen classified information on all of the United States' most advanced thermonuclear warheads..." The Cox Committee Report, 1999.  When American private companies engage in private military strategic negotiations, with the PRC--the US is not in control of "classified"  strategy and decisions based on "classified" information.  What "structures" did the PRC erect on Mischief Reef (claimed by the Philippines) near Spratly Islands?  Perhaps, Cheney knows.

      President Bush served as Ambassador to China and opened the door for trade with the PRC. The Bush family does extensive business with China. Prescott S. Bush, Jr., of Prescott Bush Resources, Ltd. is the Chairman of the United States China Chamber of Commerce of Chicago, Illinois. (Click.)

CHINA TOWN by John B. Judis © 2000, The New Republic 3/10/97

"Much of the American foreign policy establishment, including three former secretaries of state and other former senior officials of both parties, turned a collective thumbs down yesterday on the Clinton administration's policy of linking trade with China to Beijing's human rights performance," The Washington Post reported on March 16, 1994. Anyone who read the Post's account, which described a Council on Foreign Relations meeting chaired by former Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance and Lawrence Eagleburger, would have come away knowing that a quorum of foreign policy luminaries had offered a grave indictment of U.S. China policy. What they wouldn't know was one particularly relevant fact about those luminaries: namely, that Kissinger, Vance and Eagleburger each have business ties to China. Kissinger is the founder of a firm, Kissinger Associates, which helps its corporate clients secure business in China; Vance is a corporate lawyer who chaperones clients seeking outlets in China; and Eagleburger, once the president of Kissinger Associates, now works for a Washington law firm where he has also helped businessmen secure contracts in China.

Yet this gathering was not in the least unusual. Increasingly, many of our most distinguished and, in theory, disinterested, experts on U.S. China policy are selling their reputations and knowledge to clients with very particular business interests in China. Almost every prominent former government official who speaks out on this subject has direct or indirect financial ties to China. Most of them are Republicans, because a Republican administration first re- established ties with China in 1972, and because Republicans controlled the White House for most of the next twenty years. Besides Kissinger and Eagleburger, they include: former Secretaries of State Alexander Haig and George Shultz, former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, former National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft, former U.S. Trade Representatives Carla Hills and Bill Brock, and former Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker. But Democrats have also gotten in on the China game. Besides Vance, there is, for example, former Secretaries of State Edmund Muskie and Warren Christopher, former Ambassador to China Leonard Woodcock, former U.S. Trade Representative Robert Strauss and former Senator Gary Hart.

Unlike the ex-officials who have lobbied for Japan and Japanese corporations, these former officials don't work directly for China or for Chinese businesses, and most have no personal investments in China. The relationship is more subtle and indirect. They are employed by, or serve as, lawyers, advisers or consultants to American companies that have invested, or want to invest, in China. Some, like Kissinger, Hills, Scowcroft and Haig, are high- priced consultants who run their own firms. Others, like Cheney, formerly a director of Morgan Stanley and now the chairman of Halliburton Oil, and Shultz, a director of Bechtel, work for the businesses they seek to help. And still others, like Vance and Howard Baker, are senior or managing partners in law firms that represent companies with an interest in China. What all of them have to offer is not so much knowledge of China as clout with its government-- clout based in part on the statements they have made about U.S. policy toward China. American businesses use these former officials to gain access to high Chinese officials who would otherwise be reluctant to entertain visits from businessmen or bankers. Explains Roger Sullivan, the former president of the National Council for U.S.-China Trade, "The Chinese have all the traditional views toward business. It's crass, lower-class. Higher-level officials don't like businessmen that much. You have to have someone else with you if you want to see them." James Lilley, who was ambassador to China in the Bush administration and is now a professor at the University of Maryland, concurs. "There is a standard procedure that, if you want to do business in China and get the contracts, you have to have someone to open doors, and people who were in prominent positions are often very good door openers."

But having been friendly toward China while in office is not enough to guarantee access, even for the most exalted former officials. They must also be seen as ongoing friends and defenders of China's rulers. Explains Lilley, "If you want to deal in China, you will sing their tune. This can take a number of forms. It can take the form of bringing congressional visitors over, it can take the form of an op-ed piece in The New York Times, it can take the form of a speech, it can take the form of lobbying Congress. There are many, many ways you can influence things." The pressure to make favorable statements about China mounts as a visit nears, or as contracts are under consideration. Even when a delegation arrives, the Chinese will often keep them in suspense about how high-ranking an official they'll get to see. Says Sullivan, "It is always put to you that here is your schedule, and at such and such a date you are going to see a high-level official, but they won't tell you who it is going to be." When a former American official--whatever his motive--gives a speech denouncing those who want to tie trade with China to human rights, he is enhancing his ability to open doors at the highest levels in China. If he gives a speech denouncing Chinese policies, he is likely to find himself shunted off to the provinces, taking tea with some minor functionary.

Scowcroft, too, defends China against its critics. Last year, he gave speeches and briefings on China and MFN at the Heritage Foundation for Republican House members. His Forum for International Policy faxed "issue briefs" on China to congressional offices. Some of these briefs seemed to betray the same sort of "blame America first" logic that old Leftists used to resort to when they spoke of the Soviet Union. In one, published on June 12 last year, Scowcroft and former Bush State Department official Arnold Kanter blamed the U.S. for Chinese sales of nuclear technology to Pakistan, arguing that "an accretion of non-proliferation legislation" had led us into strategic blunders. Though other members of the informal China lobby are more discreet than Kissinger, Haig and Scowcroft, they, too, get themselves into situations in which they appear to be abusing their roles as members of the foreign policy establishment. One such incident involving former Defense Secretary Cheney stirred the wrath of some of his fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill. In February 1995, the Chinese Navy entered the waters around the disputed Spratly Islands and erected structures on Mischief Reef, which is also claimed by the Philippines. Philippine President Fidel Ramos ordered the Philippine Navy to the area, and the Philippine ambassador complained to Washington.

In March, Cheney, who had joined the board of directors of Morgan Stanley, visited China with representatives from the bank and secured meetings with high-ranking Chinese officials, including Defense Minister Chi Haotian. In Beijing on March 10, after three days of meetings, Cheney told Xinhua News Agency, "I do not really perceive any threat from China to the world or to the region." After leaving China, Cheney attended a business meeting in Singapore, where he made further public statements suggesting that he believed the Philippines had no cause for concern. According to Reuters, Cheney said he did not think China had embarked upon a "hostile course" in the area. Afterwards, one Republican China expert on Capitol Hill told me, "Cheney's statement [on Mischief Reef] was very mischievous. Saying China is not a threat sent a message to Southeast Asian countries who were backing the Philippines that major parts of the U.S. establishment weren't going along." In the months after Cheney's visit, the People's Construction Bank of China, a joint venture between the government and Morgan Stanley, announced a major expansion of its services.

Kissinger, Haig, Scowcroft, Cheney, Hills, Vance and Shultz stand atop a pyramid of numerous former officials who are involved in U.S. China policy and who share the same conflict of interest. Kanter and former NSC staff member Eric Melby work for Scowcroft. Former ustr official Erin Endean works for Carla Hills at Hills & Co. in Washington, D.C., where she advises firms about investing in China. In January 1996, former Clinton Commerce Department official David Rothkopf joined Kissinger Associates as its managing director. As Ron Brown's deputy undersecretary for international trade, Rothkopf had supervised Deputy Assistant Secretary John Huang. These lower-ranking officials don't have the same influence on Capitol Hill as Kissinger or Scowcroft, but they can function more plausibly as impartial experts, particularly for the media. The same reporters who would hesitate before quoting Kissinger or Haig as impartial experts on China are happy to rely on Rothkopf or Kanter. Last November, for example, Business Week blithely invoked Rothkopf's expert opinion about the "importance of cultivating the relationship with China." In August, Reuters, citing Rothkopf's opinion that China should be made "a full member of the global trading system," left out his affiliation with Kissinger Associates, identifying him only as a former Commerce Department official.

Rothkopf or Kanter can argue that their opinions are independent of their employers, but the Chinese don't see it that way. The Chinese government closely monitors what researchers and policy wonks in this country say and write about China. One head of a policy group, who didn't want his name or organization revealed for fear of further reprisal, told me what happened when one of his researchers, writing in an obscure academic journal, described China's trade policy as "mercantilist." The Chinese Embassy in Washington immediately protested to the businesses that funded the policy group.

Until now, the new China hands and their minions have had the best of both worlds. Not only have they gained contracts for their clients; they have shaped opinion in Washington, too. Says one aide to a Republican congressman, "They are respected voices on foreign affairs. Congress is especially susceptible to authoritative statements from Kissinger and Vance because so few members have any experience or knowledge about foreign affairs. Between [Richard] Armey, [Thomas] DeLay and [John] Boehner, you've got zero knowledge of foreign affairs." A Senate Republican aide who has advocated a harder line toward China told a similar story. "I can deal with the Motorolas of the world," he said. "The problem I have is the George Shultzes, where these guys show up and they are not directly on the payroll. You get overwhelmed as a staff guy. You get a discussion going, and then someone gets a call from Scowcroft and he is off the reservation again."

And the work of the former officials nicely complements that of the corporate lobbyists. While the lobbyists appeal to the politicians' instincts for electoral survival, the former officials seem to offer an intellectual rationale for obeying those instincts. Explained one House aide, "I have been in meetings and heard members say that they have to vote for MFN, but they need some way to cover their own rear ends. That just tells me right there, they are not making the vote on any intellectual or moral grounds. They are making the vote because of their campaigns. The role of Scowcroft or Kissinger is to provide cover."

But in the long run, the new China hands' success may prove to be the country's failure. Some of the policies they promote may have been justifiable on their merits. It made a certain sense for the Clinton administration not to base its trade negotiations on China's human rights record. But many of the former officials have not simply argued for pursuing negotiations on different tracks, but for virtually abandoning any effort to influence either China's highly protectionist trade policies--at the root of last year's record $39.5 billion deficit--or its support for tyranny at home and abroad. They identify the interests of American corporations abroad with the interests of Americans at home, many of whom could see their jobs shifted from Seattle to Shanghai. They overlook the fact that China could pose a far greater threat to international security than rogue states like North Korea or Iraq. And, as they did in Iran, they cast America's lot with an unpopular autocracy.

Perhaps more important, the new China hands could have a corrosive effect on American democracy. In foreign policy debates, average Americans, as well as many of their political representatives, often defer to prominent former officials whom they believe speak disinterestedly for the national interest. When the public becomes aware that they are also speaking for the interests of their business clients, the cynicism about how important policy decisions are made will deepen. This, together with revelations about the Clinton Commerce Department and presidential campaign, and a growing anxiety about the role of money, especially foreign money, in American politics, could precipitate a crisis of political confidence as profound as that caused by Watergate. Those who understand what has happened to the foreign policy establishment can't conceal their concern. Says Lilley, "Who are the real objective observers? It's like Diogenes looking for an honest man. It is very, very hard to find one." 
(Copyright 1997, The New Republic.)

CHENEY WOULD GIVE UP MILLIONS BY TAKING VP SPOT.
By Jeremy Pelofsky © Updated 6:48 PM ET July 24, 2000
http://news.excite.com/news/r/000724/18/campaign-cheney-halliburton

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Dick Cheney would give up millions if he stepped down as head of the world's largest oil field service company to become Republican presidential candidate George W. Bush's vice presidential running mate.

Cheney, 59, the CEO of Halliburton Co. and the head of Bush's search for a lieutenant, raked in $1.92 million last year plus stock options but would trade that in for a $181,400 salary if elected vice president this fall.

Bush, the son of former President George Bush, has selected Cheney as his running mate and is expected to call him with the offer, senior Republican sources said late Monday.

Cheney, who had previously told associates that he would accept the nomination if asked, served as defense secretary under former President Bush, earning $143,800 in 1992.

The oil executive lives in Dallas, where Halliburton has its headquarters, but changed his voter registration Friday to his home state of Wyoming to clear a constitutional hurdle that makes it difficult for the president and vice president to be from the same state. Cheney was a congressman from Wyoming for 10 years.

Halliburton paid him $1.28 million in salary and $640,914 in other compensation last year plus stock options worth $7.4 million to $18.8 million depending on the company's future stock performance, an examination of regulatory filings showed Monday.

That's half what he made in 1998, when he hauled in $4.4 million plus stock options.

"That would put his pay package at the high end, not the highest, which is probably appropriate for a company of that size," said Alan Johnson who runs Johnson & Associates, a compensation consulting firm in New York. "It's ... more than he would make as vice president."

Halliburton provides equipment and other services to oil and natural gas companies for exploration and production.

The company is no stranger to the Republican Party, giving almost $200,000 in the 1999-2000 campaign cycle.

Cheney, who has been CEO of Halliburton since 1995 and recently took on the title of chairman, holds a $45.5 million stake as the company's biggest individual stockholder.

The executive also holds $12.5 million worth of exercisable stock options and another $1 million in options that are not exercisable yet, according to company documents filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

"His ability to open doors and have access to very senior people domestically and internationally has been exceptional," said Jim Wicklund, managing director of energy research at Dain Rauscher Wessels.

In addition, Cheney serves on the board of directors for Union Pacific Corp., Procter & Gamble Co. and Electronic Data Systems Corp.

RESIGN FROM HALLIBURTON?

Cheney would likely resign from Halliburton if he were to run for the White House with Bush, one industry watcher said.

"I think it would be more likely that he resign than take a leave of absence so that they don't have that interruption of service in the executive office," Wicklund said.

"The problem would be is if he took a leave of absence, that would mean even if he lost, he would be out of commission for at least three months," he said.

Halliburton has donated approximately $129,000 in soft money, or unlimited contributions to parties, to Republican organizations including $80,000 to the Republican National Committee, Federal Election Commission (FEC) records showed.

Most of Halliburton's other contributions were to the National Republican Senatorial and Congressional committees.

While the funds cannot go directly to candidates, the money is often used for party building events and advertisements on specific political issues.

The company's political action committee also contributed $62,252 to candidates running for the U.S. House and Senate with all but $2,000 going to Republicans, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics.

For their part, Cheney and his wife, Lynne, have contributed $2,000 each to Bush's campaign and the oil executive has donated $2,500 to Halliburton's political action committee, according to FEC data.

Halliburton's stock closed down 9/16 to 41-11/16 on the New York Stock Exchange. Its 52-week high is 52-1/4 and year-low is 32-5/16.

DICK CHENEY'S FIRM, HALLIBURTON, OPERATES BROWN & ROOT, INC. WHICH MADE MILLIONS FROM THE BOSNIA WAR!

TOP 100 DEFENSE CONTRACTORS:

NO. 10 - Brown & Root Inc.

P.O. Box 3
Houston, Texas 77001
http://www.halliburton.com/
$582,314,000
http://206.144.247.87/archive/98-06-24/top100/10.html

An example of the latter is the company's lucrative, multiyear, logistics support effort for U.S. troops in Bosnia. This effort covers a wide array of services, including the transport of fuel and food, and construction of housing.

In Bosnia, the company does "almost everything that the [military] does not want to do ... allowing them to focus on their military mission," said Chuck Fiala, vice president and director of operations for Brown & Root Services Corp. in Houston.

In 1996, the Bosnia operation contributed roughly $400 million to Brown & Root's revenues, which totaled $3.1 billion in 1995.

The logistics support contract from the Department of Defense catapulted Brown & Root to the No. 10 slot on Washington Technology's Top 100 list. However, U.S. forces are slated to withdraw from Bosnia in the summer of 1998, putting an end to the firm's lucrative operation there.

With the growing number of commercial and federal infotech outsourcing opportunities, Brown & Root executives are now trying to decide whether to pursue more of these contracts, said Fiala. "[We] have to decide which strategy [offers] the best financial return," he said.

Of the company's total revenues, $582 million was earned performing outsourcing work for the U.S. government.

Brown & Root Services Corp. is one of two major components of Brown & Root Inc., a subsidiary of Halliburton Co. of Dallas. The latter earned 80 percent of its $5.7 billion revenue in 1995 by selling high-technology services and products to the oil and gas industries.

Halliburton's president and CEO is Dick Cheney, who served as defense secretary under President George Bush. Cheney joined the company in October 1995.

Halliburton's 1995 revenues show a decline from 1993's $6.01 billion, partly because the company sold its insurance unit.

The other component of Brown & Root Inc. is Brown & Root Engineering and Construction, also based in Houston. The fastest-growing portion of Brown & Root Inc. is Brown & Root Services Corp., which is run by Randy Harl. The unit's revenue passed $1 billion in 1995, up from $200 million in 1986, largely because of federal contracts.

Despite the company's gains in the federal marketplace, Brown & Root Inc.'s overall revenue has remained flat since 1993's total of $3.14 billion. Revenue in 1994 was $2.99 billion.

But new opportunities for the company may arise as U.S. defense officials try to save money by outsourcing support activities, including the operation and maintenance of computer systems.

Already, U.S. Navy officials have outlined plans to replace 80,000 Navy employees with contract workers, which would be supplied by outsourcing companies such as Brown & Root. Navy officials have tagged Navy bases at El Centro in California and in Pensacola, Fla., as likely candidates for outsourcing.

Government and industry officials say the industry could take over many of these operations and cut costs by 10 percent to 30 percent.

However, the outsourcing plan will likely run into stiff opposition from local senators, representatives and community groups. This opposition, driven by fear that local jobs will be lost, has stymied many previous Pentagon efforts to outsource work at many military bases.

If the Navy's outsourcing plan goes ahead, contractors may be asked to take over the operations of entire facilities, including operating computer systems, communications networks and training devices, as well as providing food, light and heat, said Fiala.

To win an infotech-intensive outsourcing contract, Fiala said, Brown & Root may team with such companies as Computer Sciences Corp. in El Segundo, Calif., or Litton-PRC in McLean, Va. "You either get them on your team, or use them as subcontractors," he said.

Currently, Brown & Root operates high-tech facilities for NASA, the Department of Energy and the Defense Department.

For NASA, Brown & Root holds a contract for launch operation services at Cape Canaveral, Fla., under which the company schedules, maintains and operates the facility that is used to perform final checks on space satellites before they are mounted on rockets for launch into space. This contract is worth $10 million per year. Another NASA contract has the company operating and maintaining Johnson Space Center facilities in Houston from which NASA monitors and controls its numerous satellites. This contract is worth $40 million per year.